Herculanum (Psicografia Wera Krijanowskaia - Espirito J. W. Rochester) - Download as PDF File .pdf), Text File .txt) or read online. algas. Uploaded by. Roseli De Araujo Gomes. Herculanum (psicografia Wera Krijanowskaia - espírito J. W. Rochester).pdf. Uploaded by. Roseli De Araujo Gomes. Print Friendly, PDF & Email The performances of David's Herculanum at Wexford Festival Opera .. Ralph P. Locke is a professor emeritus of musicology at the University of Rochester's Eastman School of Music (located in.
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Eastman/Rochester Studies in Ethnomusicology.. University of .. I contributed a program-book essay— “Herculanum: Opera Grand and. Clinic Trace Metal Laboratory in Rochester, Minnesota, where I performed the bone chemistries. My appreciation to the National Geographic Society for financial. Pdf mile pierre metzmacher portrait of f licien david, Herculanum j. w. rochester parte 1. Glyph list for the font herculanum. Download a printable sle of.
The landscape of design celebrated the privileged access to the wealth on which the pax Romana was built. Granaries and barns were given monumental emphasis to better boast the rewards of harvest. Images and inscriptions invoked the gods of abundance and good fortune whose favours were courted. Surplus was not just a gift of Roman engineering, but of Roman peace and of Roman gods.
Allegory, history and myth made allusive reference to these powerful arguments. The proof of surplus was also paraded in lordly largess, and this was made most conspicuously evident at the dinner table. Lofty dining rooms were as much a symbol of wealth as lofty granaries. This architecture of plenty was eloquent propaganda for the status quo.
The importance of architecture in social affairs is richly documented in the written sources. Houses did not simply declare wealth and importance through ostentation. Houses were vehicles for the exercise of patronage. Their architecture exploited a hierarchy of cultural references that spoke differently to different audiences.
Elite society subscribed to a complex range of beliefs and values. Roman mythology, history and religion were exploited to this end in murals and mosaics.
These images enhanced status by vaunting learning, taste and sophistication. Roman order involved maintaining a balance, a harmony, between forces.
Such harmony was both expressed and promoted by order, and the Roman house was designed not just for mortal use, but with a view to the place of man in the order of things. Divine forces were present in the affairs of men and were catered for in the design of domestic space. Domestic space was sacred and potent. The premise is that ideology takes social relations and makes them appear resident in nature or history, giving them a veneer of permanence that protects them from challenge.
Aristocratic society is perhaps most concerned with the virtues of order at times of greater stress and insecurity. Architecture and meaning Houses dominated the Roman social landscape even more than they dominated the physical one. They were seats of power and stages for the performance of domestic ritual. Contemporary sources help us understand how some such houses might have been used, but the evidence is highly partial and not always reliable.
In Britain we only have the evidence of the buildings themselves. The argument developed in this book is that Romano-British houses served broadly similar functions to houses in other provinces of the empire, and that they witness both the cultural hegemony of Rome and the heterogeneous and changing nature of Roman identities. However the evidence is read, it is clear that message was intended.
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It should therefore be possible to reconstruct social arrangements from the evidence of the house plans. In the design of houses, as with any other artefact, meaning can involve a complex series of references, ranging from the self-explanatory to the impenetrably obscure.
Space has curious properties. Voyages through space are described temporally as well as spatially, and they create different layers of understanding. The house is an event and a journey, as much as it is an artefact and a monument. Postmodern thinking has brought these issues to the fore, and encouraged diverse approaches to our reading of landscape and site.
Writers such as Henri Lefebvre and Edward Soja have given impetus to a research community intent on reconceptualising space. Most current studies recognise that space is temporal and that buildings present ideological arguments. Each society must develop a common and coherent language of building design, since houses need to be used and understood by a variety of players through a range of daily performances. Ritual and routine articulate domestic and political life. Roman hegemony drew on beliefs and understandings built from a Hellenistic cultural language shared by much of the empire.
The root source of power was property, and the architecture of property was a critical component of the shared knowledge that bound Roman elite society. Representations of space derived from this shared knowledge witness conformity with the Roman order. Lefebvre has argued that the spatial practices of society, the routines and rituals of daily life, result in conceptualisations of space made manifest in architectural practice.
These architectural ideas in turn generate the space experienced, where social relationships are articulated through systems of symbols and signs. Lefebvre believes that each mode of production ancient, feudal and capitalist had its own spatial order, and that shifts from one system to another necessarily involved the creation of new types of space.
Nothing more clearly marked the passage of Roman rule in Britain than the introduction, manipulation and subsequent rejection of the architectural fashions described in this book.
The architecture that we describe as Roman was the product of a particular understanding of space. Such architecture carried ideological meaning and contributed to both the creation and replication of a power that was qualitatively and quantitatively different to that which came before and after.
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The archaeological evidence of consumption and display leaves little doubt that elite society was better able to extract surplus and accumulate wealth under Rome than previously. The architecture described in this book witnesses the disruption of traditional systems of expressing power and the construction of new expressions of identity.
These transformations may indeed have been the consequence of a changing approach to the command of economic surplus and may also have served as a catalyst to such change, but this was not necessarily so. Houses are exciting things to study because they sit at this boundary between cultural and economic, between personal and collective, between real and imagined. These machines of wood and brick were fashioned for the smooth ordering of domestic affairs within a prevailing social orthodoxy.
Genius was not unbound. Some of these factors are fundamental: such as the constraints imposed by site and setting, by the climate and by the laws of physics. Resource availability also had an important impact, both in terms of access to building materials and labour, although such limitations can generally be overcome through the accumulation of wealth.
In most circumstances cultural factors were more important in the design choices that were made. Household and family structure has been a favoured topic in some of the more recent studies of Roman housing e. Hingley and J. Smith Houses incorporate traditional, ritual and otherwise socially embedded design fashions. Such traditions can be established remarkably swiftly in order to establish a required level of cultural precedent. Within agreed norms, peer group and rank competition can drive a dynamic imitative fashion.
Above all houses represent systems of belief. If functional concerns were paramount, then houses would look the same the world over. The things that make houses similar and dissimilar are the ideas — the rules, assumptions and fashions — that govern social behaviour.
Space and symbol can be read differently by different groups. Buildings are not only shaped by society but impose constraints on subsequent social actions. Different forms of behaviour are made more or less appropriate by the suitability of the surroundings. It therefore follows that the spatial arrangements of a house can shed light on contemporary perceptions of social organisation. There is a tension in the evolution of such fashion.
Houses are usually the products of many hands, and their design may involve negotiation between disparate interests: those of architect, builder, client, owner, tenant, neighbouring landowners and the community at large.
Houses are often transformed by different generations of tenants, and can have different meanings to different people at different times. The bolder an original architectural statement, the more likely it is to change in impact and meaning as circumstances change. The process of redundancy can be as telling as the process of creation. The recovery of meaning is further complicated by the limits of archaeological inference.
In order to extract a rewarding degree of sense from the houses of Roman Britain it is necessary to make certain assumptions about the language that is being used. These assumptions can be tested through continued application, and proved in the face of alternative interpretative models, but should not be mistaken for an objective reality.
The nature of the evidence from Roman Britain Rome held sway in Britain for nearly four hundred years, and much happened during this time.
Britannia was an invention of Rome and the province a mosaic of different peoples and places. So although there are elements of unity and continuity that make it possible to treat Britain as a coherent subject of study, it is important to realise that we are not dealing with a single set of values and understandings.
Different parts of Britain had different experiences of Rome and these changed through time. Everywhere the institutions and apparatus of fourth-century rule differed fundamentally to those that had supported the initial conquest. This diversity was expressed in the architecture.
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The subjection of Britain was undertaken in stages. After the invasion ordered by the emperor Claudius in AD 43 the legions moved north and west in a series of campaigns. The Romanisation of the southeastern part of the island was soon underway, although the revolt of Boudicca in AD 60 interrupted progress.
Further conquest was delayed until the accession of the emperor Vespasian in AD The Flavian period AD 69—96 was characterised by busy military activity in the north and by programmes of civilian construction in the south.
In the south a civil administration developed, based on a series of towns.
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The plantation of veteran colonies at Colchester, Lincoln, Gloucester and York gave impetus to the process of urbanisation. Others towns provided administrative centres for local communities based on pre-existing tribal divisions. In its early days Rome conceived of its empire as a subject federation of self-governing city states, most of which paid tribute in exchange for peace and security. A provincial governor took overall responsibility for the administration of justice and held a monopoly of force, but otherwise Roman rule relied on the active participation of local landowners to serve as magistrates and raise taxes.
Wealth derived from the produce of country, but political power and social status were usually reinforced through urban institutions. An important landowner needed somewhere to live at the heart of his country estates, as well as a place near to the courts and clubs of town.
It seems somewhat churlish to complain that Romano-British houses survive only as ruins, it could hardly be otherwise! There are, however, ruins and ruins, and one of the key problems to confront in this study is the scarcity of complete plans, especially from dated urban contexts.
Most recent investigations have been driven by the requirements of rescue excavation. Since it is rare in the extreme for a modern building plot to coincide with an ancient one those buildings excavated within the constraints of rescue archaeology have been recorded as fragments only. There are thousands of these building fragments, frequently well studied and tightly dated, but their value is limited by their incomplete nature.
The bias of the evidence is towards the more monumental buildings that were easier to recognise and more attractive to study. Research techniques were comparatively primitive when many of these sites were dug, and the published reports lack detail. It is also unusual to have detailed information on earlier sequences since only the latest buildings were fully exposed.
The published evidence does not show how much the buildings had been altered during their use. It is usually the case that where we have good evidence for building plan we have poor evidence for building sequence.
Even here it is not possible to establish whether Key to Figure 1 1. Angmering 2. Ashtead Common 3. Atworth 4. Bancroft 5. Barnsley Park 6. Barton Court Farm 7. Batten Hanger Elsted 8. Beadlam 9. Beddingham, Preston Court Bignor Boughspring, Tidenham Box Boxmoor Boxted Brading Brantingham Bratton Seymour Brislington Brixworth Burham Carsington Chalk Chedworth Cherington Chilgrove Cobham Park Colerne Combley Cox Green Dalton Parlours Darenth Dewlish Ditches Woodmancote Ditchley Downton Eccles Ely Farningham Faversham Feltwell Fishbourne Folkestone Frampton Frocester Court Gadebridge Park Gayhurst Gayton Thorpe Gorhambury Great Casterton Great Staughton Halstock Ham Hill Hambledon Hartlip Hinton St Mary Holcombe Hucclecote Keynsham Kingscote Kingsweston Kirk Sink Langton Latimer Littlecote Park Littleton Llantwit Major Lockleys, Welwyn Lufton 9 Lullingstone Maidstone Meonstoke Mileoak Newport Newton St Loe Norfolk Street North Leigh North Warnborough Northchurch Park Street Piddington Pitney Rapsley, Ewhurst Ridgwell Rivenhall Rudston Shakenoak Southwick Sparsholt Spoonley Wood Stanwick Redlands Farm Tarrant Hinton Thruxton Turkdean Wall Walton on the hill West Park, Rockbourne Whittington Court Winterton Witcombe Woodchester Fifty or so other buildings present plans which require only a modest amount of reconstruction in order to give a similar level of detail, but this remains a small and partial sample.
It is not possible to propose realistic estimates of the number of Roman houses built in Britain. A recent survey of rural Britain listed some 2, Roman period buildings, most of which were of a high status character Scott It is likely that a list of building fragments found in Roman towns and roadside settlements would be of similar length.
This sample, although numerically large, forms a small and unrepresentative sample of the original population. Only a small minority of the provincial population would have lived in towns; and it has been estimated that even in southern Britain villas did not form more than 15 per cent of the total number of settlements Hingley 4.
But the bias of the evidence lends itself to the interests of this study.
More complex structures involve more complex and more socially revealing uses of space. Here we are more concerned with the nature of elite society, than with the circumstances of the rural poor. In the study of houses spatial information can be reduced to two primary ingredients: units of space, such as rooms and gardens, and the pathways that articulate those spaces. For the purposes of this study, this means giving most of our attention to the different types of rooms that have been found in Romano-British houses.
Some rooms contain several discrete spaces of separate character. Early Christian iconography, such as the church mosaics and reliquaries of north Italy, suggests that curtains and wall hangings were frequently used to divide and frame space.
Unfortunately the evidence described here is not of a quality to permit analysis of these more subtle distinctions. The measurement of these aspects of design introduces many variables and the consequent complexity can frustrate description. There is wide diversity, both in the layout and decoration of individual rooms and in the building plans.
Ordinarily an architect describes space by function, and this is a proper objective of this study. This demands that assumptions be made about the activities that took place. The problems of such an approach are legion see Allison An illustration is found in the letters of Pliny Letters: 2,17 , who refers to a room that could serve either as a large bedroom cubiculum or as a moderatesized dining room cenatio. The characteristics of this room were such that either use was possible.
Roman furniture was portable and room use could easily be transformed. In palatial houses rooms can be set aside for highly specialised functions, and the presence of these may in turn reduce the functional range of adjacent chambers.
The specialisation of space and the creation of redundancy can be used to demonstrate wealth and status, and does not always need functional explanation Riggsby On the other hand, cramped properties may see several activities compressed into a single space.
There was considerable scope for the aggregation and segregation of activities. These considerations frustrate the search for common patterns. The potential of such studies is considerable in contexts where there is a close association between objects and the places where they are found. Recent studies of artefact distribution at Pompeii have done much to illustrate the value that such studies can have in adding to our understanding of patterns of occupation within buildings, not least by challenging our preconceptions Allison Where rubbish is allowed to accumulate this suggests some form of abandonment, and the activities of such phases are likely to be atypical.
It is, of course, useful for the purposes of this study to know which areas were kept clean, and which received rubbish, but in most cases meaning cannot be taken much beyond this level.
In recent studies more attention has been given to the pathways that linked different rooms, than to the ways in which the rooms were used. These are concerned with describing the relationships between elementary spaces in the formation of more complex structures, and have gained considerable popularity in archaeological studies e.
Foster , Laurence a: — The study by Grahame of the House of the Faun at Pompeii is a splendid example of what can be achieved through the intelligent use of this approach. In particular narrow urban plots are likely to demand greater internal permeability because of the problems of arranging external lateral access Brown This evidence is drawn on to discuss the social practices and domestic arrangements that characterised Romano-British elite society.
Our main interest here is in tracing the extent to which the classical world provides a valid model for the interpretation of RomanoBritish houses. This is the purpose of Chapter 2. Baths, wall paintings, tile roofs, mosaics, colonnades and a host of other architectural features arrived in Britain in the wake of the Roman conquest.
The purpose of this chapter is to set the British evidence in this wider context. The aim is to show that Roman architecture was not just of Rome, but part of a broader Romano-Hellenistic culture that shared certain common approaches and concepts. The traditions of palatial architecture involving complex hierarchies of spatial arrangements and interior design were introduced to Europe from the eastern end of the Mediterranean.
Elements of the design of Bronze Age palaces were repeated in the houses of the wealthy throughout antiquity. Features that can be traced back to the Bronze Age include courtyard layouts, the widespread use of wall paintings and the provision of private bathrooms. Asian architectural traditions, from which the Greek ones were essentially derived, were extensively drawn upon.
Intriguingly a sixth-century BC palace building at the Aeolic city of Larisa, essentially a megaron in imitation of a Persian form of palace known as a bit hilani, presented a facade of a porch with a colonnade linking two square corner towers containing stairs Lawrence The street blocks here were divided into a series of adjoining courtyard houses; each about 20 m square and built with mud brick walls set over stone footings Robinson Nevertheless, the rapid series of discoveries in the late eighteenth experiments based on measurements of photo- century, establishing that plants need light and synthetic oxygen production in closed bottles sus- carbon dioxide to produce oxygen and organic pended at selected depths in the water column matter from carbon dioxide, there was much yielded consistent generalised results and have slower progress in estimating the rates and mag- bequeathed to plankton science many of the con- nitude of the exchanges.
This is especially true ceptual aspects and quantitative descriptors of for aquatic primary production, until the idea productive capacity. The set of sample results that it could have much bearing on the tropho- illustrated in Fig.
However, it is plain dence of the growth of phytoplankton in closed that photosynthesis over the 4 hours peaks a lit- bottles suspended at various depths of water, and tle way beneath the surface, with slower rates using the Winkler back-titration method being detected at depth.
In this instance, as in for estimating dissolved oxygen concentration, a large number of other similar experiments, Gran and colleagues devised a method of mea- there is an apparent depression in photosyn- suring the photosynthetic evolution of oxygen in thetic rate towards the surface. Darkened bottles were aggregate oxygen production at a given depth set up to provide controls for respirational con- averaged over the exposure period.
It is cal- sumption.
However, the extrapolation must be in the dark applies equally to the similar mate- applied cautiously. Whereas NP, as determined, rial in the light. The greater than dark respiration rate. Accelerated shape of the curve of P is scarcely distorted metabolism and excretion of photosynthate in from that of NP in this instance, owing to the starved or stressed phytoplankton may, con- uniformity of N with depth. I curve. It has a steeply and red, peaking at nm is included as Fig. As the incident surement , gives the new curve shown in Fig.
This emphasises the sensitivity of P to Iz , less light dependent and, so, increasingly satu- at least at low percentage residual light pene- rated by the light available. The irradiance level tration, and a much more plateau-like feature representing the onset of light saturation is judged around Pmax. I curve is replotted in Fig. This intensity, known growth and replication. In terms of being able to explain show that the surface depression was largely an the shape of the original P vs.
In these the P vs. Iz curve is the most useful for comparing terms, it would not be unreasonable to conclude the interexperimental differences in algal perfor- that the algae would react and to show signs of mances. Jassby and Platt that the measured Pmax could be sustained.
In tested several different expressions then available an analogous experiment, Marra showed against their own data. It was not necessarily a feature of all tion in some way that would enable to retain P vs.
Anomalies in the 3. However, they are not seen when dull depth. They are estimable, for instance, from the skies ensure that, even at the water surface, pho- P vs. Iz curve in Fig. In terms of P vs. I plots to contrast seasonal depth, then the integral is simply the product of variations in temperature on photosynthetic behaviour, with the full depth range over which it applies the special reference to changes in Pmax tagged and Ik height of the full water column, H depth arrowed.
Redrawn from Reynolds a. Based upon the numerous published records, sev- eral compendia of the key indices of photosyn- lated by rearranging Eq. I plots perature. In the left-hand box of Fig. In the loss Taking the directly in the currency of carbon, applying the plot in Fig. Provid- brackets; extreme values are shown outside the ing proper licensing and handling protocols are brackets.
There is a plain dependence for the photo- for measuring the photosynthetic incorporation synthetic rates to accelerate with higher temper- of carbon dioxide labelled with the radioactive atures and, so, for there to be a higher threshold isotope.In this way, one molecule of sedoheptulose 1,7-biphosphate; S7P, sedoheptulose 7-phosphate; Xu5P, xylulose 5-phosphate. The editors do not deny that the Middle Ages continued to hold sway well after , actually extending even to the 18th century in some specific areas, but the turn from the 15th to the 16th century actually represents a decisive turning point in history that would allow us to determine the end of the Middle Ages from many viewpoints XII.
This means that. Sofyan Hakiki. Bridging Fellowship internal funding by the University of Rochester to study art history and critical theory. CO2 -depleted condi. The book incorporates —revises, condenses, extends—articles nos. Ik is solved from Eq. These activities employed public halls and audience chambers atrium, tablinum and oecus. In consequence.